Traits that built African American Women Leaders in the Area of Governance in South Carolina
From to , Tillman served as a member of the Sweetwater club, members of which assaulted and intimidated black would-be voters, killed black political figures, and skirmished with the African-American-dominated state militia. In , a moderate Republican, Daniel Henry Chamberlain , was elected South Carolina's governor, attracting even some Democratic votes. It occurred in Hamburg , a mostly black town across the river from Augusta, in Aiken County , bordering Edgefield County.
The incident grew out of a confrontation on July 4 when a black militia marched in Hamburg and two white farmers in a buggy tried to ride through its ranks. Both sides filed criminal charges against the other, and dozens of armed out-of-uniform Red Shirts, led by Butler, traveled to Hamburg on the day of the hearing, July 8. Tillman was present, and the subsequent events were among his proudest memories. The hearing never occurred, as the black militiamen, outnumbered and outgunned, refused to attend court.
This upset the white mob, which expected an apology. Butler demanded that the militiamen give one, and as part of the apology, surrender their arms. If the militiamen surrendered their arms, they would be helpless before the mob; if they did not, Butler and his men would use force. Butler brought additional men in from Georgia, and the augmented armed mob, including Tillman, went to confront the militiamen, who were barricaded in their drill room, above a local store.
Shots were fired, and after one white man was killed, the rest stormed the room and captured about thirty of the militia. Five were murdered as having white enemies; among the dead was a town constable who had arrested white men. The rest were allowed to flee, with shots fired after them. At least seven black militiamen were killed in the incident. On the way home to Edgefield, Tillman and others had a meal to celebrate the events at the home of the man who had pointed out which African Americans should be shot.
National African American Historic Landmarks by State
Tillman later recalled that "the leading white men of Edgefield" had decided "to seize the first opportunity that the Negroes might offer them to provoke a riot and teach the Negroes a lesson" by "having the whites demonstrate their superiority by killing as many of them as was justifiable". Ninety-four white men, including Tillman, were indicted by a coroner's jury, but none was prosecuted for the killings.
Butler blamed the deaths on intoxicated factory workers and Irish-Americans who had come across the bridge from Augusta, and over whom he had no control. Tillman raised his profile in state politics by attending the state Democratic convention, which nominated Hampton as the party's candidate for governor. Although Tillman and his men arrived too late to participate in those killings, two of his men murdered Simon Coker, a black state senator who had come to investigate reports of violence. They shot him as he knelt in final prayer. On Election Day in November , Tillman served as an election official at a local poll, as did two black Republicans.
One arrived late and was scared off by Tillman. As there was as yet no secret ballot in South Carolina, Tillman threatened to remember any votes cast for the Republicans. That precinct gave votes for the Democrats and 2 for the Republicans. Although almost two-thirds of those eligible to vote in Edgefield were African Americans,  the Democrats were able to suppress the Republican African-American vote, reporting a win for Hampton in Edgefield County with over 60 percent of the vote. Bolstered by this result, Hampton gained a narrow victory statewide, at least according to the official returns.
Tillman biographer Stephen Kantrowitz wrote that the unrest in "marked a turning point in Ben Tillman's life, establishing him as a member of the political and military leadership". The purpose of our visit to Hamburg was to strike terror, and the next morning Sunday when the negroes who had fled to the swamp returned to the town some of them never did return, but kept on going the ghastly sight which met their gaze of seven dead negroes lying stark and stiff, certainly had its effect It was now after midnight, and the moon high in the heavens looked down peacefully on the deserted town and dead negroes, whose lives had been offered up as a sacrifice to the fanatical teachings and fiendish hate of those who sought to substitute the rule of the African for that of the Caucasian in South Carolina.
Starting with the election of Hampton as governor in , South Carolina was ruled primarily by the wealthy " Bourbon " or "Conservative" planter class that had controlled the state before the Civil War. In the s, though, the Bourbon class was neither as strong nor as populous as before. Having risen to the rank of captain in the rifle club before the end of the campaign, Tillman spent the next several years managing his plantations.
He played a modest role in Edgefield's political and social life, and in was elected second in command of the Edgefield Hussars , a rifle club that had been made part of the state militia. He supported Gary's unsuccessful candidacy for the Democratic nomination for governor in ,   and after Gary's death in ,  as a delegate to the Democratic state convention Tillman backed former Confederate general John Bratton for the nomination, again unsuccessfully.
In an attempt to better conditions for the farmer by which Tillman always meant white males only , in he founded the Edgefield Agricultural Club. It died for lack of members.
- Il gatto non fa miao (Universale dAvventure e dOsservazioni) (Italian Edition).
Its membership also dwindled, but Tillman was elected one of three delegates to the August joint meeting of the state Grange and the state Agricultural and Mechanical Society at Bennettsville , and was invited to be one of the speakers. When Tillman spoke at Bennettsville, he was not widely known except as the brother of Congressman George Tillman. Ben Tillman called for the state government to do more for farmers, and blamed politicians and lawyers in the pay of financial interests for agricultural problems, including the crop lien system that left many farmers struggling to pay bills.
He assailed his listeners for letting themselves be duped by hostile interests, and told of the farmer who was elected to the legislature, only to be dazzled and seduced by the elite. The result was Bennettsville. According to Zach McGhee in his article on Tillman, "from that day to this he has been the most conspicuous figure in South Carolina".
Within two months of the Bennettsville speech, Tillman was being talked of as a candidate for governor in He made political demands, such as primary elections to determine who would get the Democratic nomination then tantamount to election rather than the leaving the decision to the Bourbon-dominated state nominating convention. He principally promoted the establishment of a state college for the education of farmers, where young men could learn the latest techniques. This was a source of his nickname, "Pitchfork Ben". Wayne Morgan noted that "Ben Tillman's venom was not typical, but his general feeling represented that of southern dirt farmers.
Culpepper Clark in his journal article on Tillman,. Tillman constantly baffled his enemies. Every move he made seemed sure to be counterproductive; yet his popularity only grew He assailed his enemies with a tongue so outrageous that many believed only the demise of the code duello kept him alive Despite all this, his movement grew and multiplied, thriving best when the issues appeared contrived, contradictory or without foundation. Tillman spoke widely in the state in and after, and soon attracted allies, including a number of Red Shirt comrades, such as Martin Gary's nephews Eugene B.
Gary and John Gary Evans. He sought to mold local farmers' groups into a statewide organization to be a voice for agriculturalists. In April , a convention called by Tillman met in Columbia , the state capital. The goal of what became known as the Farmer's Association or Farmer's Movement was to control the state Democratic Party from within, and to gain reforms such as the agricultural college.
He initially was unsuccessful,  though he came within thirty votes of controlling the state Democratic convention. Tillman had met, in , with Thomas G. Clemson , son-in-law of the late John C. Calhoun , to discuss a bequest to underwrite the cost of the new agricultural school. Clemson died in , and his will not only left money and land for the college, but made Tillman one of seven trustees for life, who had the power to appoint their successors.
Tillman stated that this provision, which made the lifetime trustees a majority of the board, was intended to forestall any attempt by a future Republican government to admit African Americans. The Clemson bequest helped revitalize Tillman's movement. Through letters to newspapers and stump speeches, he decried the state government as a pit of corruption,  stating that officials displayed "ignorance, extravagance and laziness" and that Charleston's The Citadel was a "military dude factory" that might profitably be repurposed as a school for women.
Richardson had been elected in ; in he sought re-nomination, to be met with opposition from Tillman's farmers. As had been done to Republican rallies in , Tillman and his followers attended campaign events and demanded that he be allowed equal time to speak. Tillman was a highly talented stump speaker, and when given the opportunity to debate, accused Richardson of being irreligious, a gambler and a drunkard. Even so, Richardson was easily re-nominated by the state Democratic convention, which turned down Tillman's demand for a primary election.
Tillman proposed the customary gracious motion that Richardson's nomination be made unanimous. One factor that helped Tillman and his movement in the campaign was the organization of many South Carolina farmers under the auspices of the Farmers' Alliance. The Alliance, which had spread through much of the agricultural South and West since its origin in Texas, sought to get farmers to work together cooperatively and seek reform.
From that organization would come the People's Party better known as the Populists. Although the Populist Party played a significant role in the politics of the s, it did not do so in South Carolina, where Tillman had already channeled agricultural discontent into an attempt to take over the Democratic Party. In January , Tillmanite leader George Washington Shell published what came to be known as the "Shell Manifesto" in a Charleston newspaper, setting forth the woes of farmers under the Conservative government, and calling for them to elect delegates to meet in March to recommend a candidate for governor.
Both Tillman supporters and Conservatives realized the purpose was to pre-empt the Democratic convention's choice, and fresh, acrimonious debate over the merits of Tillman and his methods began. He and his supporters were often attacked in the newspapers by the Conservatives, but such invective by the hated elites only tended to endear Tillman the more to the farmers who saw him as their champion.
Conservatives were certain that once Tillman's voters understood how wealthy he was while speaking for debt-ridden farmers, they would abandon him; they did not. Irby nominated Tillman, stating "shame on the [Democratic] party for stabbing Gary, a man who had saved in [ sic ] us in ' Tillman spent the summer of [ clarification needed ] making speeches and debating two rivals former general Bratton and state Attorney General Joseph H. Earle for the nomination, as the Democratic leadership watched with increasing consternation. Given Tillman's strength at the grassroots level, he was likely to be the choice of the Democratic convention in September.
Accordingly, the party's Bourbon-controlled state executive committee tried to use the brief August convention called to set the rules for the September one to change the nomination method to a primary, in which the anti-Tillman forces would unite behind a single candidate.
When the August convention was held, the Tillmanites had a large majority, which they used to oust the executive committee and install one loyal to Tillman. The convention also passed a new party constitution calling for a primary, beginning in Tillman was duly nominated in September as the Democratic candidate for governor, with Eugene Gary as his running mate for lieutenant governor. After the convention many Conservative Democrats, though not happy at Tillman's victory, acknowledged him as head of the state party. Those who submitted to Tillman's rule included Hampton and Butler, the state's two U.
Those Democrats who could not abide Tillman's candidacy held an October meeting with 20 of South Carolina's 35 counties represented, and nominated Alexander Haskell for governor. The announcement that Haskell would run caused a closing of Democratic ranks against him, lest white unity be sundered. The Haskell campaign reached out to black voters, pledging that he would not disturb the limited political role played by African Americans in the state, a promise Tillman was unlikely to make.
During Tillman's five years of agricultural advocacy, he had rarely discussed the question of the African American.
With blacks given control of one of South Carolina's seven congressional districts, the question of black influence in state politics seemed settled and did not play a significant role in the campaign for the Democratic nomination for governor. Tillman boasted of his deeds at Hamburg and Ellenton, but it was Gary who made race the focus of his campaign. Urging segregation of railroad cars, Gary asked, "what white man wants his wife or sister sandwiched between a big bully buck and a saucy wench"? Although Tillman fully expected to win, he warned that should he be defeated by ballot-box stuffing, there would be war.
Tillman was sworn in as governor in Columbia on December 4, , before a crowd of jubilant supporters, the largest to see South Carolina's governor inaugurated since Hampton's swearing-in.
In his inaugural address, Tillman celebrated his victory, "the citizens of this great commonwealth have for the first time in its history demanded and obtained for themselves the right to choose her Governor; and I, as the exponent and leader of the revolution which brought about the change, am here to take the solemn oath of office Tillman made it clear he was not content that African Americans were allowed even a limited role in the political life of South Carolina:. The whites have absolute control of the State government, and we intend at any and all hazards to retain it.
The intelligent exercise of the right of suffrage We deny, without regard to color, that " all men are created equal "; it is not true now, and was not true when Jefferson wrote it. The legislature, at Tillman's recommendation, reapportioned itself, costing Charleston County four of its twelve seats, and other lowcountry counties one each, with the seats going to the upcountry.
Benjamin Tillman - Wikipedia
Construction of Clemson College was slowed, and subsidies for fairs were cut. Among the matters before the new, Tillman-controlled legislature was who should fill the Senate seat held by Hampton, whose term expired in March —until , state legislatures elected senators. There was a call from many in the South Carolina Democratic Party to re-elect Hampton, who had played a major role in the state for the past thirty years, in war and peace. Tillman was embittered against Hampton for a number of slights, including the senator's neutrality in the race against Haskell. The legislature retired Hampton, who received only 43 of votes, and sent Irby to Washington in his place.
The ouster of Hampton was controversial, and remained so for decades afterwards; according to Simkins writing in , "to future generations of South Carolinians, Tillman's act was a ruthless violation of cherished traditions of which Hampton was a living symbol". Tillman as governor initially took a strong stand against lynching.
The Shell Manifesto, in reciting the ills of Conservative government, had blamed the Bourbons for encouraging lynching through bad laws and poor administration. Although Governor Richardson, Tillman's predecessor, had taken action to prevent such murders, they still occurred, with no one being prosecuted for them. In about half of the lynchings in South Carolina between and , there were claims that the black victim had raped or tried to rape a white woman, though studies have shown that lynchings were tied to economic and social issues.
More lynchings took place in South Carolina in the s than in any other decade, and in Edgefield and several other counties, such killings outnumbered lawful executions. During Tillman's first year in office there were no lynchings, compared with 12 in Richardson's last year, which Simkins attributed to Tillman's "vigorous attitude towards law enforcement".
Tillman's calls to redistrict away the one congressional district dominated by African Americans, and for a constitutional convention to disenfranchise them also fell in the Senate, where the convention proposal failed to attract the necessary two-thirds majority. The only enactment that struck at the African American in Tillman's first term imposed a prohibitive tax on labor agents, who were recruiting local farm hands to move out of state. In December , soon after the first anniversary of Tillman's taking office, a black Edgefield man named Dick Lundy was charged with murdering the sheriff's son, and was taken from the jail and lynched.
Tillman sent the state solicitor to Edgefield to investigate the matter, and ridiculed the coroner's jury verdict. As usual in cases of lynching, it stated the deceased had been killed by persons unknown. Tillman said, "the law received a wound for every bullet shot into Dick Lundy's body. In April , Mamie Baxter, a fourteen-year-old girl in Denmark , Barnwell County , alleged that an African American unknown to her had attempted to attack her. About twenty black men were detained and paraded before her; she stated that Henry Williams looked something like the man she had seen.
Placed on what passed for a trial by the mob that took him from the jail, Williams produced several respected white men to support his alibi. A majority of the mob voted against killing him, and Williams was returned to jail. More searches were made for Baxter's attacker. A suspect in the case, John Peterson, appealed to Tillman for protection, fearing he would be lynched if taken to Denmark, and stating he could prove his innocence.
Tillman sent Peterson to Denmark with a single guard. He was taken by the mob, put on "trial", and after the mob found him guilty, was murdered. There was widespread outrage among both races across the country, both at the actions of the lynchers and at what Tillman had done. The governor said, in response, that he had assumed that, as the mob had been convinced by Williams' defense, it would allow Peterson to prove his innocence as well. He thereafter ignored the issue of the Denmark lynching. There were five lynchings in South Carolina during Tillman's first term, and thirteen during his second.
Yet as governor, he was sworn to uphold the rule of law. He attempted to finesse the matter by seeking to appeal to both sides, demanding that the law be followed, but that he would, as he stated in , "willingly lead a mob in lynching a Negro who had committed an assault on a white woman". Under criticism, he amended this to a willingness to lead the lynching of "a man of any color who assaults a virtuous woman of any color"—the adjective "virtuous" limiting the commitment, in Tillman's view, to assaults on white women.
During Tillman's second term, he had the legislature pass a bill to abolish elected local government, in favor of gubernatorial appointment of municipal and county officials. Tillman used this law to oust black officials even where that race held a voting majority. Tillman discouraged northerners from sending aid to African Americans, fearing it would result in "lazy, idle crowds [wanting to] draw rations, as in the days of the Freedmen's Bureau They cannot be treated as we would white people.
During the South Carolina state constitutional convention, however, Tillman supported a provision that permitted the removal from office of sheriffs who through negligence or connivance permitted a lynching.
The question of prohibition of alcohol was a major issue in South Carolina during Tillman's governorship. Tillman opposed banning alcohol, but was careful to speak well of temperance advocates, many of whom were women. The concern Tillman had with alcohol issues was that they divided the white community, leaving openings for black Republicans to exploit. In the election, South Carolinians passed a non-binding referendum calling for prohibition. Bills were introduced into both houses of the state legislature that December to accomplish this, and passed the House of Representatives.
William Monroe Trotter House This is where noted black journalist and civil rights activist William Monroe Trotter lived during the first decades of the twentieth century. Maria Baldwin House This house was where Baldwin, the first female African-American principal in a Massachusetts school, lived from until she died in She was a leader in many community organizations and a sponsor for many charitable activities.
DuBois Boyhood Homesite This is where prominent black sociologist, writer, and major figure in the black civil rights movement, W. DuBois, lived during the first half of the twentieth century. Today, it is a museum that houses archeaological artifacts and household items. The slave quarters are the only slave quarters still standing in the northern United States. Dorsey bought the home in , and it became a haven for those escaping through the assistance of the Underground Railroad. First Congregational Church of Detroit This church served an important role as the last stop in a long journey for fugitive slaves taking the underground railroad to Canada.
Ossian Sweet House This home of black physician Ossian Sweet became the site of a racial incident that resulted in a nationally publicized murder trial. Just miles away from the freedom that the Canadian border offered to escaped slaves, the church became a stop on the Underground Railroad. The second floor, home to WROX, remains unaltered from the time of the radio station's occupancy.
Natchez National Cemetery This cemetery is the final resting place of many blacks who fought in the U. For example, Hiram R. Revels, the first black elected to U. Senate, recruited blacks for the Union side during the war. Tougaloo College This historically black but integrated college was founded in by the American Missionary Association. During the s and s, it became a primary center of civil rights movement activity in Mississippi.
Charles and Betty Birthright House For more than 40 years this house was home to the Birthrights, former slaves who achieved economic independence and prosperity while building close ties with the families that had held them in slavery, and the predominantly white citizenry of Clarkton and Dunklin Counties. Carver National Monument This monument commemorates the place where famous black scientist George Washington Carver was born and spent his childhood.
He was discovered by Booker T. That same year, Carver joined the faculty of Tuskegee Institute where he conducted the research that made him famous. Delmo Community Center This community center was the historic social and political center of Homestown, originally known as South Wardell, one of ten communities constructed by the Farm Security Administration for displaced sharecroppers and tenant farmers following the January roadside sharecropper demonstration in Southeast Missouri. Lincoln University This university was launched through the generous philanthropy of former slaves who fought for their freedom during the Civil War.
It began as a 22 square foot room in , following the tenets of Booker T. Washington at Tuskegee Institute. Old Courthouse Jefferson National Expansion Memorial This is the courthouse where Dred Scott, the most famous fugitive slave of his day, first filed suit to gain his freedom in Shelley House This is the home that the J.
Shelley family purchased in a fight for the right to live in a home of their choosing. As a result, the United States Supreme Court addressed the issue of restrictive racial covenants in housing in the landmark case of Shelley v. It was built between and and was the first minority African American built subdivision in Nevada. Moulin Rouge Hotel This was the first interracial hotel built in Las Vegas, constructed in , at a time when black performers and visitors were denied access to casino and hotel dining areas and were forced to seek accomodation in black boarding houses.
Despite community aims to preserve the site, all that remain of the structure are two pillars in an empty lot. Bethel AME Church This church was a religious, social and political center of the African American community, initially for black settlers in Reno Nevada in the s, and later for local civil rights activists during the s. Cartland House This building is where Moses Cartland, one of New Hampshire's premier antislavery activists, aided those fleeing from slavery in the midth century.
Hinchliffe Stadium This stadium served as the home field for the New York Black Yankees between and , and then again from to Hinchliffe is possibly the sole surviving regular home field for a Negro League baseball team in the Mid-Atlantic region. Thomas Fortune lived from Nash was well acquainted with African American leaders on the national stage in his day, particularly Booker T. Recent excavation work and mapping of the cemetery have revealed over graves dating from with the possibility that additional graves may still be found.
Dunbar Apartments This apartment complex, constructed in , is located in Harlem. Labor reformer and unionist Asa Philip Randolph, one of many influential African Americans who lived at the Dunbar Apartments, helped to battle racism in American industry. Hotel Theresa The Hotel Theresa, built from to , has been one of the major social centers of Harlem. Serving from until the late s, when it was converted into office use, it was one of the most important community institutions for African Americans in New York. Paul Robeson Home Paul Robeson, actor, singer, and civil rights activist, lived with his family lived in an apartment in this 13 story apartment building from , upon his return from living and performing in Europe.
Walker, was built in and designed by the first registered African American architect, Vertner Tandy. Walker used her home as a meeting site for race relations issues. Underground Railroad Site at the Gerrit Smith Estate An active abolitionist, wealthy enterpriser Gerrit Smith , offered his estate as as a gathering place for abolitionists. It also served as a widely-recognized safe haven for refugees from enslavement en route to Canada on the Underground Railroad.
Several of the properties within the district were owned by freed slaves. Liberty School Historically important for its educational, African American and architectural history, this former one-story school was built in on the same site as a 19th century building for local African American children. Black lived and worked on this property from until his death.
Native Americans of South Carolina
As early as the s, Black's work was sought-after for his traditional 18th and 19th century craftsmanship and techniques. Paul Laurence Dunbar House Dunbar holds the distinction of being the first African American poet to receive national acclaim since Phyllis Wheatly. Powell in , in response to segregationist policies of the time that prevented him from golfing on a public golf course in Ohio. Clearview Golf Club is the only golf course in the United States designed, built, owned and managed by an African-American.
It preserves his post-Civil War military legacy. Boley Historic District This is the site where an all-black community was established in Begun as a camp for African-American railroad construction hands, this is the largest of the towns established in Oklahoma to provide African-Americans with the opportunity for self government in an era of white supremacy and segregation.
Bizzell Library at the University of Oklahoma This library is significant for its association with the historical movement to racially desegregate public higher education in the South in the midth century. The university took part in the U. Supreme Court case that challenged the constitutionality of the separate but equal doctrine under the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment. Calvary Baptist Church This church was built in and served as the social and religious center of Oklahoma city's black population.
It is also the site where Oklahoma students organized "sit-ins" at segregated lunch counters in Attucks School A combined elementary, junior high and high school, Attucks School was one of seven such schools that served African Americans in Vinita, Craig County, Oklahoma, and was the only one that had a secondary school until after racial desegregation in the mids. John Coltrane House This national landmark is where tenor saxophonist and American jazz pioneer John Coltrane lived from until two years before his death in A musician and composer, Coltrane played a central role in the development of jazz during the s and s.
Father Divine, leader and head of the Divine Peace Mission Movement, acquired the building in and made it the center of the Peace Mission's international religious, civil rights and social welfare activities. The Old Slave Mart is the only known extant building used as a slave auction gallery in South Carolina. Since the other theater, the Capitol Theater, has been demolished, the Carver Theater is the only extant motion picture theater where African Americans could freely go to the movies.
Modjeska Monteith Simkins House Simkins lived at this home from until her death. She served in leadership positions that were traditionally unavailable to women in the civil rights movement, especially in the areas of public health reform and social reform in South Carolina. Black students and police met in a a pivotal struggle here, resulting in the "Orangeburg Massacre" of South Carolina College Historic District This is the core of the historic campus at South Carolina State University, known for mass student protests in and afterwards, including lunch counter protests, and a race riot at All Star Bowling Lanes.
After the school closed in , Penn became the first African American institution to protect and preserve the heritage of the Gullah Geechee community. Mason Temple, Church of God in Christ Built between and , Mason Temple served as a focal point of civil rights activities in Memphis during the s and s. It was here that Martin Luther King, Jr.
Fisk University, Jubilee Hall This L-shaped six-story Victorian Gothic dormitory is the oldest and largest building at Fisk University and the oldest permanent building for the higher education of Negroes in the United States. I refused to be discouraged, for neither God nor man can use a discouraged person. Bethune believed that in order to advance, African Americans must first achieve financial independence. To do this, they must learn manual skills that would help them earn jobs.
As a result, students studied sewing, cooking, broom making, weaving, housekeeping, etc. This educational philosophy was advanced by Booker T. Washington, a respected black leader who founded the Tuskegee Institute in Alabama. Bethune admired Washington and even had the privilege of receiving him as a visitor to her school. In , Bethune's husband decided to return to South Carolina, leaving her and her son on their own. By , the school offered a high school curriculum with training in nursing, teaching, and business. Despite Bethune's relentless fundraising efforts, the school continued to struggle financially.
In , it merged with a college in Jacksonville, Florida, and became Bethune-Cookman College with almost students. Bethune remained president of the school until , when she resigned in order to focus on her national agenda. In the years that followed, Bethune assumed leadership positions in several African American women's clubs. In , Bethune fulfilled Terrell's prediction by serving as president of the NACWC, the highest national position for a black woman at that time.
As NACWC president, she led the organization to focus on social issues facing all women and society in general. The group lobbied for a federal antilynching bill and prison reform and offered job training for women. Through her participation in national women's groups, Bethune made many contacts and formed important friendships. Bethune, the only African American woman at the event, soon began a close friendship with Mrs. In , Bethune was the only African American invited to take part in a conference on child welfare in Washington, D.
In both roles, she advised the government on the needs of African Americans. Bethune's influence continued to increase in the s as the nation was plunged into the Great Depression. The NYA focused on education, job training, and employment. Young African Americans often suffered even more than whites because of the economic condition of their families prior to the Depression. Added to this was the fact that many white people, desperate for work, were taking over jobs in agriculture and domestic work previously held by blacks.
To help combat these issues, Bethune encouraged black participation and leadership in NYA programs. The NYA position earned Bethune recognition and prestige. A group of newspapers named her one of the 50 most influential women in America and the NAACP awarded her their prestigious Spingarn medal for outstanding achievement by a black American.