Ein Halm im Wind: Biografischer Roman (German Edition)

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  2. 2 Vosmeer’s Counts of Holland as Trojans
  3. 2 Vosmeer’s Counts of Holland as Trojans

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We work closely with our clients to help them avoid the financial and emotional expense of a wrong hire. We offer nationwide placement and Staffing within a multitude of specialty areas. NHR Nationwide is known for providing professional and personalized physician placement services to thousands of physicians. Of course, this was an important ideological statement that the Counts of Holland had been chosen as historical figures to adorn the Schuttersdoelen: For the same reasons, between and approximately , public spaces in the cities of Holland were festooned with series of portraits of the Counts of Holland.

Unfortunately, quite a number of them have been lost.

From onwards, series of portraits of the Counts also started finding their way into the castles of the Dutch nobility. For example, in Johan II van Duivenvoorde — , Lord of Warmont, who in was appointed Admiral of the Lakes of Leiden and Haarlem and who was regarded as one of the most important military leaders of the Dutch Revolt, 60 commissioned Willem Thybaut to produce a series of paintings of the Counts of Holland for his castle of Warmont nowadays Huis te Warmond [Figs. There is no doubt that Johan II van Duivenvoorde did so to raise his prestige as a nobleman.

If this was true of the van Duivenvoordes, it was no less true of other noble houses. In some cases, such as that of the Brederodes, there was additionally a claim to a direct genealogical link, 61 but in others, the issue was historical identity formation and prestige in a broader sense. The value and impact of printed series of portraits gradually became apparent across Europe during the sixteenth century. Domenicus Lampsonius, Hieronymus Cock and Philip Galle showed the public that the Low Countries had produced a great succession of brilliant painters; Giovio and his publisher Petrus Perna took for their gallery of honour on the one hand the humanists who had left all previously-published works far behind them, on the other hand the famous kings and military leaders.

It is notable that the series of the Counts of Holland was one of the earliest-printed illustrated biographical series. As far back as , Amsterdam printer Doen Pieterz. Another series of the Counts of Holland which likewise was made from a Habsburg perspective was that of the humanist Hadrianus Barlandus — , born in Baarland on the Zeeland island of Zuid-Beveland, who was a disciple and friend of Erasmus.

This new humanist institute of education aimed to teach Latin, Ancient Greek and Biblical Hebrew in the most accomplished manner. Barlandus already had a good number of philological publications to his name by this time, including commentaries on classical authors such as Pliny the Younger, paraphrases of the exempla of Valerius Maximus, and a work on the scholarly achievements of some Roman Caesars.

His first historiographical work was Principes Hollandiae Counts of Holland. The first edition appeared at Antwerp in , rapidly followed by a second early ; 75 neither was illustrated. Later editions were, however, accompanied by portraits of the Counts: In it, the poet, his fellow humanist Hadrianus Cordatus, identifies Barlandus with the Roman historian Suetonius, the celebrated author of twelve biographies of Roman Caesars De vita Caesarum , covering the emperors from Augustus to Domitian:.

Just as Suetonius immortalised the Roman emperors in his biographies, so Barlandus intended to give the Counts of Holland an immortal memory through his work.

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Plenty of series of portraits of the Caesars were made in the period, in paintings and sculptures, woodcuts and engravings, both in Italy and in transalpine lands. Their portraits were erected or hung in the residences and palazzi of noblemen and cardinals. It was no coincidence that most of these series consisted of exactly twelve Caesars: Barlandus profiles himself in the letter of dedication of his book as a very serious historian. As he puts it, he has taken great pains to bring this work to fruition: This is a remarkable statement because this was not customary practice among Early Modern historiographers.

What Barlandus reports about his acute study of the sources might also indicate an attempt to lend credibility to his identification with Suetonius, because Suetonius was well-known for having been an inveterate archivist with an enormous wealth of documentation at his disposal.


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However, as a matter of fact, Barlandus lagged far behind his Roman precursor: Suetonius had eagerly researched the imperial archive and the entire private correspondence of the Julio-Claudian emperors, whereas Barlandus had at most looked into a few chronicles. This is reflected in the respective quantities of information: This could be seen as a serious shortcoming, but that is only one way of looking at the matter.

Barlandus sought to make his Counts of Holland primarily an easily accessible compendium, setting out the historically-reliable facts in modern, humanist Latin. This is why each count has only a short chapter about him. In a sense, the function of the individual chapters in fact resembles those of the captions for the Haarlem paintings of the Counts of Holland: Besides producing good style, a serious historian was also required to maintain a critical aloofness as regards his content. These were, after all, details handed down to the present day from the past; a serious historian must not give a new lease of life to any old fancies.

In the sources which Barlandus consulted, the Dutch chronicles, there was no shortage of such nonsense, in his view: Only by means of this method could the aim be attained of integrating the Counts of Holland into the canon of classical Latin literature. With his Principes Hollandiae , Barlandus presented a kind of national historiography in a fresh, humanist style. The Counts now emerged in new, classical garb: This is apparent even in the title of the work: With this in mind, he dedicated his book to three young noblemen of Holland who had studied at Louvain: They could draw upon it to develop a sense of national or regional pride, since they were enabled now to partake in a national history of eternal value, just as classical Roman history had.

Rather than having a chapter about him in the book like his predecessor counts, Charles is given a dedicatory letter, in which Barlandus expresses the high hopes which society had for young Charles.

Doubtless, he writes, Charles will exceed his exemplary forefathers in virtue: This letter — in combination with the preceding chapters on the Burgundian and Habsburg Counts of Holland — was intended to function as a mirror of princes: Barlandus is holding up to Charles the ideal qualities of a prince and the high expectations there are for his coming reign, and at the same time is assuring him that he will be able to live up to those expectations, since he has it within him, as it were, due to having inherited the fine qualities of his illustrious forebears.

Barlandus started to compose the work shortly after the death of Emperor Maximilian January In this regard, the propagandistic function of the Principes Hollandiae hoves into view: For one thing, Barlandus entirely dispensed with the genealogical link to the Dukes of Aquitania. Since Barlandus certainly will have encountered the genealogical connection with the House of Aquitania in his sources, we can be sure that this omission was due to his historical criticism.

Only for the sake of form does Barlandus mention Trojan blood at all, and he does so in such a manner as to distance himself from the claim: Barlandus removed the fantastical Geva, the supposed daughter of Pepin I , and the supposed Byzantine or even Trojan by origin, as Vosmeer would have it Lutgardis from history. Evidently, he regarded them as belonging to the realm of fable.

Barlandus was keen to present his counts as worthy figures, who while externally resembling knights, displayed a moral attitude very much like the one of the heroes of ancient Roman history. The States of Holland had recently awarded him the tender as printer for the newly-founded University of Leiden. Remarkably, the first work Plantin published in Latin was none other than the series of Counts of Holland, Hollandiae comitum historia et icones. Plantin dedicated this work to the new political authority, the States of Holland.

Even on the title page [Fig. Instead, she bears four arms in her hands, in a highly revealing combination: This represents his pledge to set his printing press to work in the interests of the Province of Holland and to give his all in her defence. His considerable nous consistently allowed him to have it both ways: What he grasped very well was that in the rebel provinces, a series on the Counts of Holland might be a highly useful asset, even if the texts had been written by a Habsburg loyalist, and even a Catholic, as Barlandus.

As he sets out in his dedication, he wished this to be a work suited to enhancing the respectability of the States of Holland. It was, then, by design that the series of portraits of the counts were reproduced in large numbers between and , and that they were used as an early national portrait gallery.

To the Hollanders, praise of Philip would have been like a red rag to a bull. Even more remarkably, the highly elusive, unhistorical dark horse Sigisbertus crops up anew. It is clear that in the political context of the Dutch Revolt, the Trojans had by no means shuffled off the stage as forefathers of the Counts of Holland.

Seemingly, a link to the extreme antiquity of Troy was considered to be particularly valuable in this time of such felt need of legitimacy in the rebel province. Due to this, the supposed Trojan and Aquitanian father of Dirk I still featured in the portrait gallery Scriverius published at Haarlem in , which displayed the beautiful new engravings of Cornelisz.

2 Vosmeer’s Counts of Holland as Trojans

Benedicti was one of a group of promising young Dutch Neo-Latin poets who died far too young another being Janus Dousa junior, the brilliant son of the curator of the University of Leiden. The Haarlem-born Benedicti was already composing Latin verse at a very tender age.

At 22, he had his first poetry volumes published at Delft and Leiden: However, he did not live to witness some of his poems see the light of day: In , Benedicti continued his studies at Cambridge at the household seminary of the celebrated Protestant theologian William Whitaker — He found acceptance in the scholarly literary circle around the noble poet Sir Philip Sidney — , Earl of Leicester; the Neo-Latin poet Janus Dousa junior was also in this coterie.

These were the years in which Holland and the other northern provinces were eagerly seeking the support of the English crown and trying to persuade Queen Elizabeth I to take them on as her subjects.

2 Vosmeer’s Counts of Holland as Trojans

In June of that year, Benedicti returned to the University of Leiden, but before long he had gone on to Heidelberg to round off his theological studies with the leading Calvinist theologian Franciscus Junius the Elder later to become a professor at Leiden. In , Benedicti died unexpectedly at Heidelberg of a feverish infection. Benedicti made no secret of his political sympathies.


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  4. It was at the very height of this rash of national poetry that Benedicti composed his series of poems on the Counts of Holland in He had them published in combination with his heroic epos on William of Orange. The publication of the series is intimately connected with the assassination of William of Orange Its intended purpose was the honouring of national heroes and the fostering of national sentiment. Yet even major events and breaches in the genealogical line meet with hardly any attention by Benedicti.

    In the Haarlem paintings, the counts are introduced with great panache by a herald, delivering a suitable dose of such class. This creates a setting of courtly festivity: Perhaps the most famous is the inscription on the stele of the Spartan king Leonidas, who perished at the Battle of Thermopylae in BC while holding back the Persians. In his epigram, Leonidas tells the passer-by:.

    He conceives of his texts as grave-inscriptions being reviewed by a visitor to the sepulchres. Indeed, he literally calls his poems epitaphia. Benedicti presumes that the visitor will be reading his epitaphs through a moral lens. His Dirk IV shares that understanding, and asks exasperatedly: