Piacere di conoscerla! Nomi e cognomi assurdi ma veri (Italian Edition)
We will not remove any content for bad language alone, or being critical of a particular book. Just a moment while we sign you in to your Goodreads account. Nomi e cognomi assurdi ma veri it was amazing 5. Rate this book Clear rating 1 of 5 stars 2 of 5 stars 3 of 5 stars 4 of 5 stars 5 of 5 stars. Il Talismano delle Anime Gemelle it was amazing 5. Want to Read saving… Error rating book.
Gatto, Mon Amour it was amazing 5. Come impaginare libri cartacei ed e-book con Word it was amazing 5. Sorelle del Peccato e altre storie it was amazing 5. Fiabe da Ridere it was amazing 5. Strane Figure di Donne it was amazing 5. I came to these places as removed and inquisitive as the contemporaries they excluded — more so, perhaps.
For even as I saw how the city's memory had dispersed and obscured the practices I aimed to grasp, I continued to hone the scholarly tools of documentary discovery and control. Ultimately these tools both failed and enabled my ends: In time I came to regard Venice as my ethnographic field and the subject of my study not as Venetian madrigals but madrigals in Venice. Further, the material amassed on my several "field trips" seemed to carry an irrepressible charge to admit the cacophonous and often contradictory subjectivities and mechanisms that defined madrigals in Venice, even while the city claimed to position sovereign authors in figures like Adrian Willaert, Cipriano de Rore, and Gioseffo Zarlino.
One of my cases in point is a book entitled Di Cipriano il secondo libro de madregali a cinque voci insieme alcuni di M. Adriano et altri autori a misura comune novamente posti in luce — a book dedicating less than a third of its space to Rore, the rest to eight named authors and three anonimi. The inalterable necessity to seek out madrigalian practices in fragmentary testaments — scattered dedications, prefaces, dialogues, tracts, letters, occasional and dedicatory poems, handbooks, genealogies, wills, contracts, and more — was thus in the end a liberating constraint.
Moreover, as the contexts of Venetian musical life failed to reveal themselves on the cognitive ground on which I was largely trained, they helped remake my ways of knowing according to their own modes and sympathies. The more reflexive spirit of inquiry that has entered musicology had a hand in this in later stages of the book, of course.
But that was not all. The image of a unitary musical Venice at midcentury continually broke down on close encounter to divulge not a single fixed reality but particular modes of display that existed in competition with many other ones. Mine is not primarily a study, then, of musical forms or their numerous manifestations. In developing my thoughts on the subject, moreover, I have not tried to provide anything like an encyclopedic extension of Alfred Einstein's treatment of Venetian madrigals in The Italian Madrigal — that is, to account comprehensively for the whole range of composers and madrigal prints that might reasonably be called "Venetian.
By mediating between this complex of relations I hope to make intelligible the place of Venetian madrigals within the particular urban context that engendered them. We may begin to unravel the skein of questions gathered in this study by starting with a strand from social history. In the year Bernardino Tomitano, a Paduan teacher of logic, wrote a long, fictitious letter to Francesco Longo enumerating the. Bringing Together Geographical and Sociological Imaginations, ed.
Agnew and James S. Duncan Boston, , pp. It offered, in effect, a partial Venetian miniature of Baldassare Castiglione's famous Cortegiano, defining the boundaries of a Venetian aristocracy with its own special formulas for courtliness. Describing the manners of the patrician politician, for instance, Tomitano exhorted Longo to habits that had long served to clothe Venetians in the public eye: Cede audacity to modesty.
Incline toward esteeming yourself less, not more, than your rank. Don't rely on your might. Pay no heed to flatterers. Think in the evening of how benevolent your actions were in the day, how worthy of you, how useful to the common good, especially in managing public concerns. When you come to speak in the [Major] Council, make your speech conform to your age and profession — not rough, for this would not be what is expected of you; nor overtly artful, for this would bring you little praise.
Let it then be made up of natural artfulness, pure words, and full of examples and thoughts of your homeland, not sung out but espoused with gravity; not convoluted but disposed with order. Be rich with reason rather than commonplaces. Magnify your case with all diligence and insist on its necessary aspects. I start with this now obscure text for two reasons. The first is to invoke it as an epigraph for my study, since the ideals it distills might be taken as a standard to which Venetians by turns conformed or resisted. The second is to point up the profoundly Venetian transformations that brought it to print.
Tomitano's exhortations found no place in the heavy traffic of Venetian printed words until they were recast. A published edition is extant at I-Vnm entitled Lettera di M. Bernardino Tomitano al Magnifico M. Francesco Longo del Clarissimo M. Coleti's preface states that the letter was discovered by "Sig. Jacopo Morelli Custode di questa pubblica Libreria di S. I quote here and elsewhere from Morelli's edition, which corresponds in all but modernized orthography to the Marciana manuscript. Tomitano was born in Padua in and died there in ; for a brief biography see the Dizionario enciclopedico della letteratura italiana 5: Note numbers as cross-references direct the reader to the main text in the vicinity of the cited number.
Non vi fidate delle vostre forze. Pensate la sera le operazioni fatte il giorno quanto siano state buone, quanto degne di voi, quanto utili al comune benefizio, spezialmente maneggiando le pubbliche cure. Sia dunque fatta con arte naturale, con parole schiette, e della patria vostra, piena di esempi, e colma di sentenzie; non cantata, ma gravamente esposta; non inviluppata, ma con ordine disposta; sia piuttosto ricca di ragioni, che di luoghi comuni; esagerate con ogni diligenza il caso, ed insistete sopra le parti necessarie" Tomitano, in Operette, p.
But as a dialogue, the text promoted all the more powerfully his idealized model of Venetian character. In such a form it took as its main target the growing numbers of nonpatrician readers, curious to learn how they might borrow some measure of this "glory and honor" and increasingly able to do so. The Dialogo was adapted by the printer, popular historian, and frequent ghost-writer Francesco Sansovino, son of the famous sculptor. For them, as for much of Italy and Europe, Venice functioned as an exemplum among modern states. It represented unmatched constitutional stability, political wisdom, good judgment, and liberty.
These virtues were intoned in innumerable public speeches. In the same oration he exalted the city of Venice for its balanced form of government, its rule by many, its liberty, tranquillity, and sagacity, and especially its prudence. The qualities they exemplified had only magnified in the foreign gaze with the repeated invasions of Italy after , culmi-. The Dialogo was printed in Venice by Francesco Rampazetto and bears the shelf no.
Cicogna points out, Triphon Gabriele, who communicated with friends but wrote little, may have been the one who gave Tomitano the ideas included in the letter to Longo. A Venetian patrician resident in Padua, Gabriele's thoughts on the Venetian republic were recorded by the Florentine Donato Giannotti in his Repubblica de' vinitiani of See Cicogna, Delle inscrizioni veneziane, 6 vols. Venice, , 4: For a biography of Sansovino see Paul F. Lorenzo Cosatti Milan, , pp. Faced with such perils and failures, both Italy and Europe at large fell increasingly prey to Venetians' myths about themselves.
This too was something of an irony. While Venice's self-image was crystallizing into a doctrine of virtues, its own fortunes had suffered a decline. In the imperialist republic had been jolted from its confident penetrations of the mainland by the League of Cambrai, which ranged against it all the major forces of Europe. The league's formation represented the shattering moment when Venice's political star began to dim. The city never recovered the full political strength it had exercised at the turn of the century, nor did it regain all of its dominions on the terraferma.
In such a time Venetians might have looked on the imaginative realms of arts and letters with some indifference. But from all that can be deduced, this was generally not so. If the city failed to recoup certain of its land claims, it fortified its assertions of glory after only a brief period of restraint by compensating with redoubled artistic investments. By the mid-sixteenth century the doge's processions, state political iconography, and performances of civic liturgy — all highly visible forms — had assumed unprecedented levels of vigor.
They remind us, in turn, that while many of the most famous reinscriptions of Venetian myths came from travelers and onlookers from abroad, these myths started with Venetians themselves. It was partly by these means that Venice continued to maintain its status as the ne plus ultra of republicanism among the Italian city-states.
The mythologizing that marks internal explanations of Venetian history and character, both implicit and explicit, did not just ornament the city's infrastructure, then, but carefully constructed its identity, fostering images of Venetian equilibrium at home while spreading them abroad. Any attempt to reconcile the Venice. Bouwsma elaborated such a claim in Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty: See, for example, James S. Grubb, "When Myths Lose Power: Hale London, , pp. Venice was a town that absorbed and balanced a huge range of divergent views, activities, personalities, social and professional types.
It was a necessary part of such an urban fabric that myth should collide with material realities. Among many spheres in which Venice mediated such contradictions, one that gained new vitality in the sixteenth century was the private drawing room. There, Venetians played out their civic ideals in less systematized and obvious forms than the ritualized ones orchestrated for public ceremonies, but in ways no less implicated in the newly heightened consciousness of civic identity. Private salons could reiterate values of the old order yet still embrace a new diversity of social classes and professional affiliations and a new casualness in intellectual expression.
The multi-form bands of poets, collectors, polygraphs, singers, and instrumentalists who attended salons probably seemed to descendants of quattrocento Latin humanists too eclectic and dilettantish to be taken seriously. But theirs was a resourceful accommodation of old values to new circumstances — to the intellectual and social mobility promoted by a younger culture and epitomized by its energetic relationship to the press.
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Ultimately, by accommodating foundational beliefs to a wider, more variable commerce in ideas, Venice's new generations reshaped the ideas of old. Thus, whatever strains of unreality marred the layered myths that compounded the Venetian image, their sum total made for a powerful frame of reference: Such demands weighed heavily on artists and literati. In many domains — political iconography, music for state occasions, encomiastic verse, and the like — artistic production explicitly articulated the city's self-images, trumpeting its claims to republican success and longevity.
But how are we to understand the interplay of artistic forces and local imaginings in realms less directly allied to state. The Iconography of a Myth," in Interpretazioni veneziane: David Rosand Venice, , pp. His World and His Legacy, ed. David Rosand New York, , pp. Much of the work, it should be noted, was actually done by assistants in Sansovino's workshop, as was the norm in sculpture at the time. These are the central questions in my consideration of the city's relationship to one musical genre, the madrigal. Its two most famous exponents from mid-century, Adrian Willaert and Cipriano de Rore, both linked with Venice, were Netherlanders.
Even though the repertory of madrigals they developed around must be understood within the play of things Venetian, much about it that changed the shape of secular music in Italy was decidedly the product of northern music — a network of separate parts woven into a pensive and intricate polyphony. What is more, the most ample and significant contributions to the Venetian repertory were settings of lyrics by a Tuscan poet, Petrarch. Willaert's one monument of madrigalistic composition was located in his four-, five-, six-, and seven-voice corpus of motets and madrigals called Musica nova, published in but probably written for the most part between the late s and mids.
This collection preserved Willaert's weightiest undertakings in both genres, twenty-seven motets and twenty-five madrigals. It was published in a spectacular format, with its title enclosed in a fantastical illustration representing a storm-swept Venetian sea bordered by mermaids and cupids Plate 2.
A woodcut of the aged Willaert, emanating gerontocratic excellence, appeared on its verso Plate 3. The madrigals of the Musica nova departed from all previous ones by consistently setting complete sonnets — all but one of them Petrarch's — in the bipartite form of the motet and by adapting a dense counterpoint formerly reserved for sacred music. Like the speech of Tomitano's ideal patrician, these madrigals aspired to a declamation less "sung" than set forth with recitational "gravity. None of the madrigals Willaert published between until his death in in anthologies or other mixed collections echoed the spirit of patrician Venice with the same precision or weight as the Musica nova; if anything, they diffused and softened its aims.
Similar authors to follow
Long before the Musica nova left its private shelter, Rore made a stunning debut as an apparent unknown with his Madrigali a cinque voci of later known as the Libro primo. Like Willaert's madrigals, many of Rore's set full sonnets by Petrarch,. He presented the idea in "Painting in Venice: Essays in Honor of Eugene F. John Monfasani and Ronald G. Musto New York, , pp. Yet his madrigals ventured more dramatic and expressive gestures than Willaert's. They contrasted melodies that were sometimes more cantabile than Willaert would invent, at other times rougher and more irregular.
Such biographical fragments as survive about Willaert and Rore might tentatively be related to differences in their music. As a servant to Italian patrons from or and chapelmaster of San Marco from , Willaert's connection with the Venetian establishment seems relatively straightforward. Contemporary accounts saw in him the mythological personification of Venice, an embodiment of the modest reserve demanded of its nobles and figured in its stately images. In his pupil Girolamo Parabosco's comedy La notte called him "so kind, gentle, and modest that one could set him as an example of all manner of other virtues.
Willaert was thus an arm of the state whose position demanded unfaltering loyalty to the republic's self-image and its long-standing ideals. The Procuratori approved Willaert's suitability in the record of his appointment with the epithet "circumspectus vir" a deliberate or cautious man ,  a characterization on which numerous variations were rung in popular literature during his subsequent tenure. Thus, despite his northern origins — and, as we will see, despite the fact that he enjoyed the private patronage of the elite Florentine nobleman Neri Capponi — Willaert was wholly assimilated to a Venetian image and made instrumental in its representation.
Rore's orientation to Venetian cultural and musical habits is far more ambiguous. His biography remains cratered despite information that he probably resided in Brescia from at least until possibly or It seems doubtful that he ever lived in Venice, except perhaps briefly early in his career and then without a regular appointment. Only two documents allude to such a relationship between them: Mark's at the Time of Adrian Willaert A Documentary Study" Ph. On Rore's trip s to Venice, where he delivered compositions to Capponi, see Chap. But these tell us only in fact that in the late forties some people in Venice had begun to describe Rore as a follower of Willaert's practice.
It is rather more pointed testimony to an association with Florentine exiles. Yet in their broad contours, if not their idiomatic details, Rore's madrigals of the s embrace a style whose identity is otherwise exclusively the province of composers resident in Venice and the Veneto: Any attempt to explain Venice's effect on the course of secular music through its larger cultural themes, then, will be complicated both by the elusive genealogy of Venetian madrigal writing and by the complex and tacit place its various incarnations occupied in the city's larger cultural patterns.
It may be all the more significant, therefore, that one of the few from a Venetian dominion, a native of nearby Chioggia, became the foremost explicator and apologist for the Venetian idiom. Gioseffo Zarlino, theorist, teacher, and later chapelmaster, played a crucial role in clarifying for later generations the aesthetic impulses and compositional habits of contemporaneous Venetian musicians.
His first publication, the imposing Istitutioni harmoniche of , assumed the daunting task of codifying a style whose constant shifts and irregularities made it all but impossible to systematize. In this his role was unique, for his exegeses of Venetian counterpoint, modes, and text setting were only faintly anticipated by his predecessors and abandoned by his successors.
Chief among the former is the Venetian Giovanni del Lago, whose sketchy, derivative writings from around only hint at the new horizons. Without this written witness we would have virtually nothing from the mouths of musicians themselves. More plentiful explanations of Venetian thinking come from literati, whose accounts complement those of del Lago and Zarlino. Literary figures wrote abundantly on poetics, vernacular style, grammar, imitation, the questione della lingua, and genre, and in a wide range of forms: The large, rapid production of these.
Lowinsky as evidence that everyone in Venice knew Rore to have been Willaert's pupil; see his " Calami sonum ferentes: Chicago, , 2: Yet the term used there is discepolo, like that in the title page of the print, Fantasie, et ricerchari a tre voci RISM 34 also printed by Girolamo Scotto , a term that often meant "follower" i.
Ultimately, musical and literary writings of mid-cinquecento Venice illuminate one another, both of them translating Ciceronian precepts of style while imposing on them their own idiosyncrasies and formal demands. In some way, virtually all these theoretical writings were dominated by the Venetian Pietro Bembo's dialogue on the questione della lingua, Prose della volgar lingua of , a work whose relevance to secular music has been recognized for some time.
Bembo's Prose recast Ciceronian rhetorical precepts in the terms of trecento Tuscan literary style. In this study I take Bembo's transformations of Ciceronian canons as central to a tropology of Venice that interconnects civic identity, rhetorical principles, and expressive idioms. Three of these canons were most crucial to Bembo's scheme: I argue that Bembo merged Venetian mythology with ancient rhetoric in a way that made one particular meaning of decorum — that of moderation — the all-embracing, universal principle of his stylistics; and further, that this principle functioned as an inseparable corollary of variazione, calling the latter into service as a means of tempering extremes in order to avoid too intense an emphasis on any one style or affect.
In proposing this scheme Bembo claimed Petrarch as his model for the vernacular lyric.
Stella Demaris (Author of Piacere di conoscerla! Nomi e cognomi assurdi ma veri)
Bembo's Prose tried to codify and make imitable Petrarch's rime for readers whose linguistic style he hoped to shape. Yet Petrarch's lyrics had already come to hold an unequalled appeal for the indigenous society that formed Bembo's most eager audience. Among the aspects of Petrarchan verse that appealed to Bembo and to the rhetorical culture for which he wrote was its delicate interplay of verbal sounds as Dean Mace has pointed up.
This is the facet of his poetics that has commanded the greatest attention of music historians, interested in its effect on contemporaneous madrigalists. Nonetheless, I argue that Petrarch's continual undercutting of verbal utterance through oxymoron and paradox symbolized even more importantly the reserve on which Venetians claimed to insist in other domains. Coupled with its intricate plays of verbal-psychic wit, this poetics, not surprisingly, entranced a society bound by civic habit to discreet emotional display and simultaneously absorbed in a stylized self-presentation.
By explicating Petrarch in Ciceronian terms, Bembo implicitly located his lyrics in the performative domain. So doing he underscored the concerns and biases of his Venetian readers and granted them what must have seemed a deeply satisfying endorsement and an irrefutable authority. In the succeeding pages I try to enlarge these themes to consider Venice's signal role in steering Italian secular music on a new course. Enlargement in this sense means something like the magnification one gets when peering through a lens.
For in drawing repeatedly on sources like Tomitano's letter that stand outside the immediate business of making madrigals, I try to picture close up the intricate cultural weave of which madrigals were a part and to reconstruct aspects of its palpable form. My aim is not to find in these far-flung sources exact mirrors of the madrigalists' ideals or the aesthetic structures they built. Rather, it is to develop, figuratively speaking, a colloquy between various players in Venice and to discover in the city's multiple texts a way to contemplate the diverse meanings and eclectic processes that involved madrigals in larger cultural patterns.
On the path to finishing this book I received invaluable help from many institutions and countless friends and colleagues. A Fellowship for University Teachers from the National Endowment for the Humanities provided me with an indispensable year's leave from teaching, during which most of the writing was done. To all of these I am deeply appreciative. My work was helped by the staffs of many libraries and archives, of which I would like to acknowledge especially: At the University of California Press I benefited from the expert skills of my acquisitions editor Doris Kretschmer and project editor Rose Vekony and from astute copyediting by Fronia W.
I am grateful for helpful comments I received from two readers solicited by the press, James Haar, a longtime source of stimulating dialogue on Italian madrigals, and Dean Mace. I hope I can be forgiven for mentioning just a fraction of the many other people who have helped me along the way: Many of them are thanked in footnotes where it has been possible to point to a particular debt. There are several others whose roles I must acknowledge more specially.
Tita Rosenthal offered probing comments and copious bibliographical advice on Chapters 1 through 6 and made Venice an altogether richer place for me. Gary Tomlinson, at first the advisor on my dissertation, has since been a continual interlocutor on madrigals and histories.
He knows how important our conversations have been to me over many years, for which I could not begin to thank him here. My friend and colleague Howard Mayer Brown gave me many lively conversations and insights on cinquecento music and countless other topics, scholarly and otherwise. Before his sudden death in Venice on 20 February , every page of this book was intended to elicit his sharp reading. At every turn my husband, Thomas Bauman, has contributed his critical acuity as well as his remarkable skills as a writer, linguist, musician, editor, and computer whiz.
I have been abashed and touched by his colossal support over all this time. And I have been blessed by the good humor, affection, and patience of Emily and Rebecca Bauman. Finally a few words about the dedication. I take leave of this project deeply aware that what I have tried to envision in the nexus of people's language, their pictures, their music, and their city had its origins in my parents' house.
The example they gave me to imagine worlds beyond our own cannot be measured in words. I dedicate this book to them with the sort of tender appreciation that the frailty of life makes only sweeter. Mid-sixteenth-century Venice was arrayed in such a way that no single mogul, family, or neighborhood was in a position to monopolize indigenous activity in arts or letters.
Venice was a city of dispersal. Laced with waterways, the city took its shape from its natural architecture. The wealthy houses of the large patriciate, scattered throughout the city's many parishes, kept power bases more or less decentralized. Apart from the magnetic force of San Marco — the seat of governmental activities and associated civic ritual — no umbrella structure comparable to that of a princely court brought its people and spaces into a single easily comprehended matrix.
As a commercial and maritime city, Venice offered multiplicity in lieu of centralization. It offered rich possibilities for dynamic interchange between the wide assortment of social and professional types that constantly thronged there — patricians, merchants, popolani, tourists, students, seamen, exiles, and diplomats. Local patricians contributed to this decentralization by viewing the whole of the lagoon as common territory rather than developing attachments to particular neighborhoods — a quality in which they differed from nobles of many other Italian towns.
Since most extended families owned properties in various parishes and sestieri the six large sections into which the city still divides , neighborhoods had only a circumscribed role as bases of power and operation; indeed, it was not uncommon for nuclear families to move from one parish to another. The great exception was patrician women. Their lives outside the home were basically restricted to their immediate parishes, at least so long as their nuclear families stayed in a single dwelling see Romano, pp.
In this, Venetian practice reflected generalized sixteenth-century attitudes that tended to keep women's social role a domestic one. Women's Love Lyric in Europe, Indianapolis, , pp.
We can easily imagine that Venetian salon life profited from the constant circulation of bodies throughout the city, as well as from the correlated factors of metropolitan dispersion and the city's relative freedom from hierarchy. Palaces and other grand dwellings constituted collectively a series of loose social nets, slack enough to comprehend a varied and changeable population. This urban makeup differed from the fixed hierarchy of the court, which pointed structurally, at least to a single power center, absolute and invariable, that tried to delimit opportunities for profit and promotion.
There, financial entrepreneurialism and social advancement could generally be attempted only within the strict perimeters defined by the prince and the infrastructure that supported him. The lavish festivals, entertainments, and monuments funded by courtly establishments accordingly concentrated, by and large, on the affirmation of princely glory or, at the very least, tended to mirror more directly the monolithic interests of prince and court. With less enthusiastic patrons, like Florence's Cosimo I de' Medici beginning in and thus coinciding with the Venetian period I focus on here , centralization and authoritarian control could straitjacket creative production according to the narrowly defined wishes of the ruling elite.
In the worst of cases they could suffocate it almost completely. Structural differences between court and city that made themselves felt in cultural production were thus enmeshed with political ones. In contrast to the courts, the Venetian oligarchy thrived on a broad-based system of rule and, by extension, patronage. Within this system individual inhabitants could achieve success by exploiting the city in the most varied ways — through business, trade, or maritime interests, banking, political offices, academic and artistic activities.
Such a pliable setup depended in part on numerous legal mechanisms that, formally at least, safe-guarded equality within the patrician rank. Beyond the Fields of Reason, ed. Iain Fenlon and James Haar, writing on Cosimo I's effect on madrigalian developments in Florence, propose that the end of republican Florence initiated the degeneration of individual patronage dominated by the family. The Medici restoration, they recall, led to an exodus of painters, sculptors, and musicians from the city The Italian Madrigal, pp.
In order to maintain the symmetries of patrician power and an effective system of checks and balances, a large number of magistracies and councils shared the decision-making process, and the vast majority of offices turned over after very brief, often six-month, terms. This made for a cumbersome, mazelike governmental structure that led many observers to comment wryly on the likeness of topography and statecraft in the city.
In the late fifteenth century a complex of attitudes guarding against the perils of self-interest found expression in a series of checks advanced by the ruling group to counter the self-magnifying schemes of several doges — schemes epitomized by the building of triumphal architecture like the Arco Foscari, which verged on representing the doge as divinely ordained. The patriciate ventured if hesitantly to extend these mechanisms to include some nonpatricians. Despite the inequities and stratification that divided nobles from the next rank of residents on the descending social ladder, the cittadini and even more from the still lower popolani , the Venetian aristocracy by tradition and a long-standing formula for republican success had accustomed itself to making certain efforts to appease classes excluded from governmental rule.
The success achieved by the mid-sixteenth century in checking the doges' schemes is attested by the English translator of Gasparo Contarini's De magistratibus, Lewes Lewkenor, who showed astonishment that the patriciate reacted as casually to the death of a doge as to the death of any other patrician: King's interpretation of the interaction of class, culture, and power in quattrocento Venice would argue that the political power of the ruling patrician elite extended far enough into what she calls "the realm of culture" — by which she means the culture of the "humanist group" — as to control them in a unique way see pp.
See also Romano, Patricians and "Popolani," pp. On institutions of charity run by citizens and nobles for popolani see the classic work of Brian Pullan, Rich and Poor in Renaissance Venice: For a study that tries to debunk emphases on Venetian traditions of charity by stressing patrician corruption and the split between civic ideals and reality see Donald E. Queller, The Venetian Patriciate: Reality versus Myth Urbana and Chicago, Queller's view seems to me equally problematic in invoking an alternate "reality" as true, rather than traversing the dialectics of various realities and representations.
They could ship cargo on state galleys. And they maintained the exclusive right to hold offices in the great lay confraternities, the scuole grandi. While many cittadini, as well as plebeians and foreigners, were doomed to frustration in their search for power and position, others experienced considerable social and economic success.
At the very least many had come to view their circumstances as malleable, there to be negotiated with the right manoeuvres. The collective self-identity that promoted various attitudes of equality and magnanimity both within and without the patriciate was expressed with considerable fanfare in official postures.
Gradually, the underlying ideals had come to be projected in numerous iconic variations on the city's evolving civic mythology. By the fourteenth century, for instance, Venice added to its mythological symbolism the specter of Dea Roma as Justice, seated on a throne of lions and bearing sword and scales in her two hands Plate 4. By such a ploy the city extended its claim as the new Rome while reminding onlookers of its professed fairness, its balanced constitution, and its domestic harmony.
This conjunction of morality and might was reiterated in a series of bird's-eye maps, the most remarkable of which was Jacopo de' Barbari's famous woodcut of Plate 5.
Set at the extremities of its central vertical axis are powerful representations of Mercury atop a cloud and Neptune riding a spirited dolphin Plate 6 — iconography as vital to the city's image as its serpentine slews of buildings and its urban backwaters. Venice's geography played a real part in encouraging the city's social elasticity. The circuitous structure of the lagoon made for a constant rubbing of elbows between different classes that Venetians seemed to take as a natural part of daily affairs. When the eccentric English traveler Thomas Coryat visited the city in the.
On the role of the cittadini as members of the secretarial class see Oliver Logan, Culture and Society in Venice, See also Deborah Howard, Jacopo Sansovino: For a single poetic example in which Venice is linked with Justice, see Chap. The peculiar habits Coryat observed among the Venetian aristocracy accord with its ideological rejection of showy displays of personal spending expressly forbidden by strict sumptuary laws — displays that were de rigueur in court towns like nearby Ferrara and Mantua.
Big outlays of cash were supposed to be reserved mainly for public festivals that glorified the Venetian community as a whole. In the private sphere they could be funneled into lasting investments capable of adding to the permanent legacy of an extended family group, but not in theory made for more transitory or personal luxuries.
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